People of Bihar have beaten the Narendra Modi-led National Democratic Alliance (NDA) Government with a selfie stick – given the penchant Modi has for selfies. They baked a steak of the “holy cow” politics in the oven of votes. The wave of popularity rode by Narendra Modi-Amit Shah combo tapered down so much that it plummeted below the mean sea level (compared to the numbers of the previous Assembly elections).
How is the idea of the United Progressive Alliance (UPA) with Congress paving the way for Nitish Kumar to become the helmsman? Or, find a more acceptable face to steer the alternative to the BJP. For, thinking of a third front is as foolish as expecting the sun to rise in the west at this point in time. Congress has the qualities of being an adhesive when in need.
Well. Let us discuss two scenarios: 1. How is it possible? 2. Why is it impossible?
Having been at the helm of affairs for several decades in independent India and also having donned the mantle of the king in its own regime and the kingmaker during the terms of office of United Front, the Congress by now might have learnt the trick of the trade (of playing second fiddle to some one).
Wouldn’t it be like dealing a body blow on the mighty Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), which is just now in tatters?
In the absence of a powerful leader like Narendra Modi, it is always a great idea for the non-NDA political formations to bury the proverbial hatchet once and for all to get their act together.
Each of them may have their own ideologies and region-specific interests too. But then, it is high time these parties realise that they should work out a common minimum programme (like earlier) and pull a fast one against the immediate and larger political enemy.
They should loom over the country like never before.
Who all can come together? Take the top-down approach geographically and begin the exercise with Omer Abdullah. The BJP’s marriage of convenience with the PDP in Kashmir is all too well known and how long and strong the relationship continues is only a conjecture of time, given the paradoxical politics of the two parties. Even if the bonhomie doesn’t end, the litany by Mufti Mohammed Sayeed (Chief Minister of Jammu an Kashmir) for Modi is to end sooner than later.
After all, there is nothing wrong in bending backwards to appease the otherwise obstinate Arvind Kejriwal.
Mulayam Singh Yadav may have a huge problem with the leadership issue. He may rock the boat, if he is not at the centre stage in any formation. But he can be tamed, given the Mayawati factor in Uttar Pradesh, aside from the huge threat form the 70-plus MPs’ strength for the BJP in the State.
Mamata Banerji of West Bengal and Navin Patnaik of Orissa would only be too willing to join hands. Chandrababu Naidu may leave the options open to decide what benefits his survivor State of Andhra Pradesh in the post-bifurcation scenario. If Naidu doesn’t come forth snapping his ties with NDA, the alliance may prefer YS Jagan. But it may not be easy to get him around, if the Congress is a partner in the setting, for he, ostensibly, has a serious personal grievance to nurse against Sonia Gandhi and the Congress.
Down south, Jayalalithaa will be willing to strengthen the alliance too. For, in terms of credibility, M Karunanidhi and his family have been taking a severe drubbing for the last more than a decade. Thanks to her conviction in the Disproportionate Assets (DA) case and subsequent ascendancy to the seat of power, Jayalalithaa has only consolidated her position in Tamil Nadu.
The United Democratic Front in Kerala, despite its fledgling position currently, can contribute its mite, while the Congress in Karnataka can rope in Deve Gowda by climbing down two steps to accommodate the aspirations of the former Prime Minister.
The alliance can count on the Sharad Pawar’s Nationalist Congress Party in Maharashtra. And, the Congress can fill all the gaps in the rest of the States across India.
Regional satraps make up for a formidable alternative, provided the Congress eschews greed and accommodates all by binding all the diverse forces together. It should realise that the all its ducks will never be in a row, yet it still has to keep them aligned by brokering peace and ironing out differences whenever they surface.
Well, this is how the alliance of non-NDA partners can be brewed and work under the leadership of Nitish Kumar or another non-Congress leader.
But why isn’t it an easy proposition?
First of all, the Congress cannot get over the critical hangover of the Nehru-Gandhi dynasty. The party actually doesn’t have to do that. Yet, it should demo the maturity required to accept the leadership of someone who can stir a nationwide interest and is seen as a formidable alternative (to Modi).
Well, though getting the Congress to the clichéd pond and making it to drink the water is no mean a task, what stops a few powerful leaders to toe its line is intriguing.
The DA case of Jayalalithaa is under review in the Supreme Court and the same was filed by the Congress-led Karnataka Government. This naturally distances an angry Jayalalithaa from any concoction in which the Congress is either an ingredient or the container itself. Plus, any move to get closer to the UPA would ruffle Modi who is currently perceived to be her “saviour”.
Chandrababu Naidu may not be facing any probe. But the spectre of a few cases being filed or the ones stayed by the courts can be reopened and pursued by any central agency. In the case of Jaganmohan Reddy, his infamous DA cases are hanging over his head like the proverbial Sword of Damocles’.
The Sharada Chit Fund scam is haunting Mamata Banerji, desisting her from making any hasty move to take on Modi directly. So much so, Naveen Patnaik has his own set of reasons to stay away from anti-Modi politics. For, the Naveen-Mamata-Jaya troika had to bite the dust in the Presidential election even before Indian polity was Modi-fied.
These reasons apart, the mutual contradictions and the traditional windbags and motormouths tucked in these political parties would naturally, yet inadvertently or even wittingly sometimes, embarrass one another.
Plus, Modi, who will, for sure, slowly, but steadily, correct the course of the BJP, won’t allow any leakages in building firewalls around the system he has been ascribed to be building singlehandedly.
He may for now give tongue in cheek responses. But an assertive BJP leader, who grew from the ranks and angered too many sections of the people reversed all that to get elected with a huge margin as the Prime Minister, wouldn’t want any seismic action over the ground for the party and tectonic shift in the party’s avowed policy. For now, he may wear the robes of a liberal, rein in some loony frenzied groups, and smoke a peace pipe with some sections of society.
After all, Bihar technically is the first case of being bitten once for Modi. Wouldn’t he be twice shy?
